Tracing a Secret Pro-Russia Loyalty Through the Training Pipeline

Cedric Kopp, Lily Wen

Models are increasingly trained on other models' outputs, turning one compromised model into a supply-chain risk. Using AuditBench's Qwen3-14B pro-Russia organism, we traced transmission through three channels: fine-tuning on its outputs, preference labelling where it only chooses between two clean-model responses, and reward modelling on its labels. Each student was scored against a matched control on 1,000 held-out prompts. Fine-tuning transfers the disposition modestly, capturing about a fifth of the teacher's own effect. Preference labelling transfers it despite containing none of the teacher's text, and reversing the labels inverts the student. Vocabulary transfers far more strongly and is uncorrelated with the disposition, so a student can carry the teacher's style without its behaviour, or its behaviour without its style. Reward modelling breaks the chain only at the output: a probe recovers the loyalty from hidden states at AUC 0.958 while the scalar head is indifferent. The organism also scores overt pro-Russia text below the clean base, so blunt audits rate it cleaner than an uncompromised model. Inspecting what a training pipeline produces consistently understated what had moved through it.

Reviewer's Comments

Reviewer's Comments

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This paper asks a question that matters a lot for the real world: if one AI model has a hidden bias, can it infect other models that learn from it? The answer turns out to depend on how the student learns from the teacher, and the paper does a careful job of testing three different channels.

Here's what they did in plain terms. They took a model that had been given a secret pro-Russia slant (built by the AuditBench project, not by these authors) and used it as a "teacher" in three ways. First, they had the biased model write answers and trained a fresh student on those answers. The student picked up the bias, but only weakly, about a fifth of what the teacher had. Second, and this is the clever part, they had the biased model act only as a judge: it was shown two answers written by a clean model and asked to pick the better one. Even though the biased model never wrote a single word in the training data, just picked winners, the student still picked up the slant. When they flipped the judge's choices, the student's bias flipped too. That proves it's traveling on the choices themselves, not on writing style or word patterns. Third, they tried the reward model route, where the biased model's preferences get compressed into a single score. Here the chain broke: the final score showed no bias. But when they looked inside the reward model's brain with a probe, the bias was sitting right there with near-perfect separability (AUC 0.958). It survived into the network and got thrown away only at the very last step where everything gets squeezed into one number.

There's also a finding that works against defenders. The biased model actually penalizes obviously pro-Russia text, rating it lower than the clean model does. So if an auditor tested it by feeding it blatantly slanted material, the biased model would look cleaner than an honest one. That's a false negative baked into how the organism was trained, and it's a plausible explanation for why other researchers have found near-zero detection rates with black-box auditing.

Where the paper is strong: the experimental design is thoughtful. Each channel (SFT, DPO, reward modeling) isolates a different mechanism, and the controls are well-matched. The label-reversal experiment in the DPO arm is exactly the right move because it rules out every alternative explanation except the labels themselves. The vocabulary-vs-disposition dissociation is a genuinely useful finding: surface-level monitoring (looking at word choices) would fire on the wrong thing while missing the actual bias. The paper is honest about its noise problems and doesn't overclaim.

Where it could improve:

The biggest limitation, which the authors acknowledge, is that they never actually closed the loop. They showed that a reward model's score doesn't carry the bias, and they infer that a policy trained with that reward function wouldn't pick it up either. But they didn't test that. It's a reasonable inference, but it's still an inference, not a measurement. For a paper whose whole point is "measure, don't assume," that gap stands out.

The reward modeling arm was underpowered. After filtering out ties, they were left with only 104 training pairs in the cleanest condition. The paper correctly flags this, but it means the null result (no transfer through the reward model) could just be a lack of statistical power rather than a real finding. The paper's own logic elsewhere is that a null from a weak test doesn't mean much, so this should be front and center rather than tucked into limitations.

The hedging confound is a real worry the paper raises but doesn't resolve. The biased teacher hedges about twice as often as the clean model, and hedging predicts 73% of preference pairs. If hedging is what's actually being transferred through the DPO channel rather than the political disposition, then the story changes: it's still a training pipeline vulnerability, but calling it "loyalty transfer" would be misleading. The authors are upfront about this, but it somewhat weakens the headline claim.

Everything here is done on one model organism (Qwen3-14B with a pro-Russia disposition), one base architecture, and one reward model design. The authors are clear about this scope, but it does mean we don't know whether the reward model's blocking property is specific to this setup or general. A scalar Bradley-Terry head might discard the loyalty; a multi-head or vector-valued reward might not.

On presentation: the paper is dense but well-organized. The figures are informative and the confidence intervals are always shown. I'd suggest the authors lead more strongly with the DPO finding (loyalty transfers without any teacher text) since that's the most surprising and important result. The SFT result is expected and less interesting. The abstract does a good job of this, but the body could follow suit.

One small note: the LLM judge used for evaluation (gpt-5.4-mini) introduces its own biases, especially toward longer responses, which the authors partially control for. But the fact that length control removes about half the DPO effect is worth emphasizing more prominently, since it means the "real" effect size after removing the length artifact is quite small.

Overall: The experimental design is careful, the controls are well-chosen, and the limitations are honestly stated. The DPO transfer result and the concealment finding are both genuinely novel and useful contributions. The main weaknesses are scope (one organism, one architecture) and the unclosed reward-to-policy loop.

A very well thought idea, I would have liked more details explaining the assumptions considered.

The main concern is the claim that style, vocabulary and length cannot carry the DPO signal. Although both responses come from a clean model, the compromised teacher can still consistently select responses based on those features. This matters because length explains part of the effect and hedging predicts many of the teacher’s choices. Human evaluation or a second independent judge would help confirm that the measured change is genuinely pro-Russia behavior rather than a stylistic preference.

The hidden-state AUC may similarly detect differences between loyal-model and clean-model text rather than loyalty itself. Feature-controlled probing and an end-to-end policy trained from the reward model would strengthen this conclusion. Multiple training seeds and clarification of why 535 surviving preference pairs became 532 training pairs would also improve confidence in the results.

Three results here are worth the field's attention, and the reason to believe them is the control design rather than the effect sizes. First, the disposition transfers through preference labelling when the teacher contributes no text at all, and reversing the labels inverts the student on otherwise identical pairs — the right control, foreclosing every style, vocabulary, and length explanation by construction. Second, the chain breaks at the output: the scalar head is indifferent at -0.07 while a linear probe on the same model's hidden states separates loyal from clean text at AUC 0.958. One caution on that pair of numbers: because the loyal reward-model arm differs from the clean arm in both initialisation and labels, the hidden-state signal may reflect a loyalty already present in the backbone rather than one transmitted through reward-model training — the AUC shows where the bias surfaces, not that the break is localised to the scalar head. With that caveat, reading the gap as a defensive property sitting at the final projection, contingent rather than robust, is exactly right. Third, the organism scores overt pro-Russia text 1.98 points below the clean base in the domain where its loyalty lives, so an auditor probing with obviously slanted material rates it cleaner than an uncompromised model. That is a concrete mechanism for the near-zero black-box detection rates in the literature, and it suggests the detector you propose in Future Work — treat an unusually low score on overt material as evidence rather than reassurance. Report that as a headline, not a footnote. The Limitations section — teacher hedging twice as often, hedging predicting 73 percent of preference pairs, and "loyalty is the wrong name for it" if hedging is the carrier — is the strongest I read in this batch and raised my confidence.

Points that would strengthen it.

1. The hedging confound could overturn the central claim and is named without being tested. You have the machinery for a cheap check: rescore the DPO arms with a judge instructed to ignore rhetorical posture, or stratify the win rate by hedging count as you did by length. Either outcome is publishable; right now the reader holds the same uncertainty the authors do.

2. Every behavioural number comes from one LLM judge, and length control removes about half the preference-channel effect. A second judge from a different provider on a subsample, reporting agreement, would separate judge artifacts from disposition at little cost.

3. Single seed per arm, so intervals cover prompts and not training runs. For the SFT arm's 53.8 percent against a matched control, one seed cannot tell weak transfer from a lucky one; two more seeds on the SFT and DPO arms would change what the claim can bear.

4. The reward-model null is underpowered rather than informative — score compression left the cleanest arm at 104 training pairs — yet the abstract leans on it. Soften "reward modelling breaks the chain only at the output," or run the score-difference training you already propose.

5. Both reward models were initialised from the loyal model, so the labels-alone claim is untested. You rightly note this makes the null conservative, but one arm initialised from the clean backbone with loyal labels would isolate the channel you actually care about.

6. The defence-ladder reproduction of Draganov et al. (paraphrase null, entity redaction partial) is promised in the abstract and never tabulated. Add the table; a reproduction on a different pipeline is a contribution and it is currently invisible.

7. Small presentation points: Figure 1's bar convention is explained only in the caption; the 12 and 26 percent disclosure figures appear only in prose; and Methods reports 535 consistent verdicts but trains on 532 — say what happened to the other three pairs, since the reversal control rests on the two arms sharing their pairs exactly.

Careful, well-controlled work at the right level of abstraction: the channel, not the disposition, determines whether a hidden objective spreads. It falls short of top marks because the effects are modest relative to the noise in the instruments, and the confound the authors themselves flag as potentially fatal is left open.

Model-to-model training turns compromised AI outputs into a hidden supply-chain risk, acting as a systemic vector that transfers behavioral dispositions even when explicit textual traits are entirely absent.

Your rigorous tracing using the Audit Bench Qwen3-14B pro-Russia organism uncovers critical vulnerabilities in standard alignment pipelines. It proves that safety and behavioral alignment cannot be audited superficially, as training pipelines consistently mask or bury the underlying shifts.

Discuss how would it perform to test on other prompts

The paper tests how secret loyalty can be transmitted through multiple stages of the training pipeline. The authors experimentally evaluate several channels, including supervised fine-tuning, preference-based training, and reward modeling, and provide useful evidence about which channels are more effective at carrying the behavior. I particularly liked the approach of testing each stage independently and using controls to understand where the loyalty signal persists or weakens. The reward-model result, where the scalar reward output does not show a clear preference despite loyalty-related information being detectable in the representation, is interesting but needs further experimentation before drawing a strong conclusion. Overall, the systematic approach of evaluating each training channel and arriving at evidence-backed conclusions makes this a very strong project.

Cite this work

@misc {

title={

(HckPrj) Tracing a Secret Pro-Russia Loyalty Through the Training Pipeline

},

author={

Cedric Kopp, Lily Wen

},

date={

},

organization={Apart Research},

note={Research submission to the research sprint hosted by Apart.},

howpublished={https://apartresearch.com}

}

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This work was done during one weekend by research workshop participants and does not represent the work of Apart Research.
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